Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov Quotes

Anyone who believes that the eternal question of war and peace in Europe is no longer there risks being deeply mistaken.

In the event of a victory over Germany by Soviet Russia and England, Bolshevism in Europe would inevitably follow. Under these circumstances I would prefer to see Germany win the war. I feel that an understanding could be reached (with Germany) which would result in a lasting peace with Europe and believe that a German victory is preferable to a British and Soviet victory.

Whenever peace—conceived as the avoidance of war—has been the primary objective of a power or group of powers, the international system has been at the mercy of the most ruthless member of the international community.

Today we will find most nations to be both our partners and our adversaries—sometimes simultaneously.

Security can no longer be attained by arming ourselves against a potential enemy. Rather, security is attainable only with his cooperation.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation, hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Why entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

On Russia, I can only repeat what the president [Barack Obama] said. This is all about respecting certain principles, and I'm saying this from a European vantage point, from a European, from a German vantage point, sorry, the fact that for over 70 years we have been able to enjoy peace.

We believe that government in Britain should be working to restore our reputation on the international stage after Iraq and engage better within Europe.

Since creation of the E.U. a half century ago, Europe has enjoyed the longest period of peace in its history.

American foreign policy, for all its shortcomings, has underpinned political stability around the world.

I believe the U.S. already understands and will understand more and more that only a strong Russia will respond to the genuine interests of the United States.

United States is a great Country and has its effective role on the international arena, so we have to boost our relations with it, in order to achieve peace and stability in our region and the world.

Germany has traditionally played a very constructive role regarding E.U. ties with Russia and the West as a whole with Russia.

Germany must be a country which generates political ideas and leadership, which is capable of compromise, which is sovereign and yet knows that it needs its partners on both sides of the Atlantic.

I said to the German Ambassador that, as long as there was only a dispute between Austria and Serbia alone, I did not feel entitled to intervene; but that, directly it was a matter between Austria and Russia, it became a question of the peace of Europe, which concerned us all.

In these days of intimate relations, of economic stress and of intense desire to protect national interests and advance national opportunity, the treatment of questions which, from a legal standpoint, are domestic, often seriously affects international relations. The principle, each nation for itself to the full extent of its powers, is the principle of war, not of peace.

It is clearly unwise for us to continue the attempt to carry alone, or largely single-handed, the opposition to Soviet expansion. It is urgently necessary for us to restore something of the balance of power in Europe and Asia by strengthening local forces of independence and by getting them to assume part of our burden.

Americans tend to go for it all. In international politics you can’t have it all. You have to compromise.

Our foreign policy has been inspired by two simple principles: the determination to place France's interests above all others, and the conviction that France has no greater interest than that of peace.

Trust between allies is as important as deterrence of foes.

Cooperation requires a certain degree of trust between states. The threshold of trust required for cooperation depends on a set of variables including a state's relative power and costs of conflict…. conflict between trustworthy states is possible, when we see conflict it is a sign that one or both of the states are likely to be untrustworthy.

I have ever deemed it fundamental for the United States never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government, are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war.

Intimately concerned as we are with the system of Europe, it does not follow that we are therefore called upon to mix ourselves on every occasion, with a restless and meddling activity, in the concerns of the nations which surround us.

We especially ought to pray that the powers of Europe be so poised and counterpoised among themselves that their own security may require the presence of all their forces at home leaving the other parts of the world in undisturbed tranquility.